Saturday 9 April 2016

MUDAVADI HAS A HISTORY OF CORRUPTION




I have attached part of a 21 page document by former Anti-Corruption boss Rtd. Justice Aaron Ringera to support this article. For those who think that I do things without facts I want to disapprove them. I told you that it is Mudavadi who helped Dan Ameyo to become the chair of Mumias Sugar board. Secondly I said that Ameyo was UDF’s Secretary General when Mudavadi was the party leader. Thirdly I said that as mentioned in this article about Mudavadi’s connection to Anglo-Leasing there is a lot than meet the eye...how both Ameyo & Mudavadi happened to be mentioned in Ringera’s report. I could not scan the whole document but as you can all see Mudavadi & Ameyo are number 15 & 18 respectively out of the 20 persons named in the report.  This is what the report says about Mudavadi: “Intiator of the fraud. Used his position and influence to get the contract approved by his counterpart the minister for finance, in complete disregard for the law, regulations and procedures” These are not my words but words of someone that taxpayers paid millions of shillings to do the job and that is none other than RTD.JUSTICE AARON RINGERA. Can someone tell Mudavadi to stop fooling us that he is defending Mumias Sugar Company and the sugar sector in general when indeed he owes Kenyans lots of answers to what lead him help his co-accused person to chair Mumias Sugar Board. Back to those who think that if that is the case then Mudavadi & Ameyo should be rotting in jail? If I may answer them....Kenyans should demand to know what Ringera had about these persons because a lot of our money was paid to him to do the job only for him to be haunted out of office.

Mudavadi has a history of corruption




via kenyastockholm.com

 Born in 1960, Musalia Mudavadi first entered Parliament as the MP for Sabatia Constituency on a KANU ticket in 1989 following the death of his father Moses Mudavadi. Moi had a good relationship with Musalia’s father who was largely seen as responsible for delivering the Luhya support for the Moi dictatorship. To maintain this support after the death of the senior Mudavadi, Moi appointed Musalia Minister of Supplies and Marketing. After returning to Parliament in 1992, Musalia was once again appointed a Minister, this time taking over the Ministry of Finance in January 1993, a post he led until the 1997 December elections, which Moi is accused by Raila to have rigged to return himself to power.
After this election, Musalia was appointed Minister of Agriculture in 1998, a time when he also served as Leader of Government Business in Kenya’s Parliament. He then moved to occupy the Ministry for Information, Transport and Communication in 1999 topping his political career as Vice President of Kenya and Minister for Transport and Communication in the run up to the December 2002 elections. The younger Mudavadi was bribed with the post of VP two months before the December 2002 elections and after KANU lost power, he went down in history as the Kenyan VP who sat in office for the shortest time ever. It is believed that this bribe prevented Mudavadi from crossing over to the Rainbow coalition, which later formed the government after defeating KANU. Within politicians who decided to work with Raila in ODM, Musalia was one of the most experienced in government, having worked under Moi for slightly more than a decade. But that is the better image depicting Mudavadi as the progressive politician who climbed the ladder to the top, from MP to Vice President, within a considerably short time.
During his tenure, documentation exists linking Mr. Mudavadi to a chain of corruption scandals that puts to question his credibility as a honest leader who could help change Kenya. According to the Paris-based research group — Centre d’Etudes et Recherches (CERI) — Mudavadi is one of the key politicians who was linked to two groups of Asian businessmen nicknamed the “G7” who had monopoly status of contracts in Kenya when Mudavadi was Finance minister. According to the CERI Report, which was published in April 1998, both Mudavadi and Attorney General Amos Wako (Both Luhyas from Western Province) were the Godfathers of Mr. Haten Singh Bishar who enjoyed monopoly status of contracts in Western Kenya. In government, Mudavadi worked with the well-known corruption guru in Kenya, Mr. Nicholas Kipyator arap Biwott, former Energy Minister whom, according to the CERI Report, was the Godfather of Harbinder Singh Sethi, another businessman who had monopoly status of contracts issued at that time by the Ministry of Energy.302 Mudavadi has been connected to the Anglo-Leasing type scandals that later came to haunt the Kibaki regime and that have been covered briefly in this book. The former Vice President was Minister of Transport when the fraudulent contract to procure VSAT equipment was signed in July 2002. On June 19 of the same year, Mudavadi wrote a project justification letter to the then Minister of Finance Mr. Chris Obure seeking exemption of the Postal Corporation of Kenya from the Audit and Exchequer Public Procurement Regulations of 2001 that was specifically set up to check corruption when it came to public procurements by government agencies.
In the same letter, Mudavadi went further and sought permission for the Posta Corporation to enter into direct procurement of goods and services from Universal Satspace (an American company), Spacenet Incorporated and First Mercantile Securities Corporation (both of Switzerland). The curious point is that according to the April 2006 Report from the Controller and Auditor General, the Companies in whose favour Mudavadi had written in his capacity as a Cabinet Minister did not exist. The Companies wanted to install broadband Network and VSAT equipment in 980 post offices across the country in a project baptized “Posta Surf ” at a tune of Ksh2.8 billion. The gist of Mudavadi’s intervention is that he wanted the companies awarded the contracts without any tendering as stipulated in law. In an Affidavit dated March 27, 2006, and signed by Julius Shigolia, the Secretary of the Postal Corporation of Kenya, Mudavadi’s letter “was totally unfounded, misleading and evidence of a conspiracy to defraud the Republic of Kenya.”303 Mudavadi wanted the contracts awarded to Satspace, which was not registered in Kenya and despite the fact that the same job could be done by Telkom Kenya. In his Affidavit, Shigolia claimed that a company called Gilat Alldean (Africa) had fraudulently claimed that it is the parent company of Spacenet, an American company, in order to give foreign companies a legal basis of participating in contracts in Kenya.
During the sixty-first day of the Goldenberg Inquiry headed by Justice Bosire, allegations emerged that Ksh5.8 billion was paid out “for no consideration” under the authority of Dr. Koinange between April 19, 1993, and July 6, 1993. During this period, Mudavadi was the Finance Minister and at the time of the Inquiry, it had not been established who the recipients of the money were. The money was routed through the Kenya Commercial Bank into private accounts. Although Mudavadi was never implicated directly as having been responsible, the question was how such a huge amount of money could have been transferred by his juniors and without his knowledge as Finance Minister. Corruption scandals came back to haunt Mr. Mudavadi to an extent that at one point, he was subjected to intensive grilling by the otherwise toothless Kenya Anti-Corruption Commission that was headed by Justice Aron Ringera.
After KANU was defeated, Mudavadi quit KANU to join Raila’s LDP for joint work because of the common cause of bringing the Kibaki government down. In the process of working with Raila, Mudavadi got the opportunity to shade off his dirty past and re-emerge as a new and fresh leader who could make a difference in Kenya’s democratization process.


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